Land 1er In December 2018, when France premiered in preparation for Christmas, part of the country caught fire. In Paris, the Arc de Triomphe is vandalized on the sidelines of a yellow vest demonstration. More than five hundred kilometers, the prefecture of Puy-en-Velay is on fire. France is rediscovering its insurrectionary accents. The government’s policy – in particular the carbon tax – has been challenged for weeks and the President of the Republic has been the main target of the attacks. Also in December, in a park in the peaceful Angoulême, a number of protesters imagine a scene of the beheading of the head of state. Right now, the Republican king is naked. How not to think of these scenes of violence, hatred and fractures to see how the face of Emmanuel Macron appears this April 24 on all television dishes. He has just been re-elected with 57% of the vote, according to initial estimates. Marine Le Pen, who dreamed of adding anger, got 43%, a clear improvement over 2017. “The king never dies,” said François I.er.
LIVELive election night
François Hollande’s ex-minister may have a smile. He is the only one who has extended his lease on the Elysee without experiencing cohabitation: General de Gaulle had not been elected by universal suffrage for his first term. Above all, he was able to skillfully overcome this election campaign, keeping only the seriousness, seriousness and credibility of his presidential suit, thus getting rid of the balance inherent in any exit. Valéry Giscard d’Estaing in 1981 and Nicolas Sarkozy in 2012 did not do so and carried his legacy as a burden. How did he achieve this masterpiece when his five-year term was in crisis: social (yellow vests), health (Covid), international (Ukrainian war). “Times of crisis are doubling the lives of men,” Chateaubriand thought. Emmanuel Macron must have nine lives, like cats.
READ ALSOThose voters to whom Macron gives buttonsFirst he entered the campaign late due to (or thanks to) the pandemic, then the war in Ukraine. While the other eleven candidates, on the field for at least six months, rode and dreamed of throwing his faults, his mistakes, his little phrases in his face, he played this agile, serious and diligent judoka who leaves no one dam. his opponents. From avoidance to non-campaigning, there is only one step the presidential candidate has taken in the three weeks leading up to the election. It will not have evoked the upheavals of the beginnings (resignations of several ministers), nor the “summer affair” Benalla, nor the small sentences, nor the small and big resignations, nor the small and big changes of foot and even less the hesitations of the Covid.
In the great presidential race of rats, their competitors were simultaneously fed, neutralized and cannibalized. Valérie Pécresse spoke on Eric Zemmour’s themes; Éric Zemmour will divert the voices of Valérie Pécresse; Eric Zemmour was deflected by Marine Le Pen; Jean-Luc Mélenchon swerved to the left. With a single meeting, a few interviews and two specific proposals (retirement at age 65 and modification of the RSA), Emmanuel Macron managed to come out on top on April 10 with more than 27% of the vote (more or less the score of Giscard in 1981 and Sarkozy in 2012).
Against the far right
“If you are anvil, hold on; if you are a hammer blow, ”says the Arabic proverb. Passive and fleeing before the first round, Emmanuel Macron, a prominent chameleon-like and annoying actor, became a campaign juggler in the second round. To win the electorate of Jean-Luc Mélenchon (almost 22%) and regain a “Republican front” that we believe is broken, the president, wearing shirt sleeves, beat Marine Le Pen, calling it, for example , of an “extreme” fortnight. right ”during his meeting in Marseille on 16 April. The “president of the rich,” as Nicolas Sarkozy called himself, sanitized his program so as not to frighten the people and made a green revolution, a surprising moment when the French finally projected themselves into the other world. The one who was described as a disconnected technocrat multiplied his travels, walks, and screaming parties. Election campaigns allow for all transformations.
During this time, Marine Le Pen, who seeks to win … respectably, multiplied conferences and sovereignty moments. During the debate between two rounds, this sacred moment that does not change anything after an election, Emmanuel Macron still does not appear as outgoing president. The exit is almost hers: back to her votes in the European Parliament or the Assembly, her denials, her previous alliances. Emmanuel Macron won his bet, Marine Le Pen did not lose his.
READ ALSOJérôme Sainte-Marie: “This debate did not live up to expectations”
If youth is a defect, it is corrected very quickly.
So here’s Emmanuel Macron on the Elysée for another five years. “If youth is a flaw, we correct it very quickly,” Goethe judged. Arriving at the castle at the age of 39, the singer of the New World will have buried two presidents of the Republic (Chirac and Giscard), the last two companions of the Liberation (Daniel Cordier and Hubert Germain), two immensely popular stars (Johnny and Bébel) . At almost 45 years old, he wears a part of the history of France on his marked face. Armed with unprecedented experience, he begins a no less dangerous second term in which he will have to, in the words of Michel Bussi and Jérôme Fourquet, “recost France”. In the first round of the presidential election, 55% of voters voted for populism; 26% of entrants did not attend. The next legislature should not improve the representation of all currents in France. While before the election, Senate President Gérard Larcher warned of the future president’s lack of legitimacy, the challenge seems daunting.
Another, even more difficult, for the lone president that is: the war for succession. Unable to run again in 2027, the president-elect will have to channel his ambitions, reorient his priorities and reaffirm his authority. Or to grow a new generation that will embody, assimilate and anchor macronism, this moving ideology, difficult to define as its designer has transformed. Father of the nation, national reconciler, promoter of talent … What if the most difficult reform to achieve was his?